Broken spears pdf download

This radiance, like the sound of C h r i s t ' s voice, is beautiful and delightful, yet it brings physical h a r m to those "of w e a k lodb" w h o are exposed to its full force. S o u n d a n d image do not repre- sent ideas or convey Christ's message; they are manifestations of the energy concentrated i n Christ's loob.

Present-day practitioners of invulnerability magic are even referred to at times aszyxwvutsrqponmlkjih nag-e- egosum persons engaging in "egosum". One cannot draw the 63 line here between "C h r i s t i a n " and "animistic" features of holy week rituals.

Concomitant with the chanting of the pasyon and performance of the sinakulo, various kinds of magical p o w e r s — ranging from invulnerability to bullets to charms for attracting women—were acquired and tested.

Men sipped potions concocted from unbaptized fetuses and oil on a series of Fridays culminating on Good Friday. Men and women placed objects inside the glass case housing the image of the dead Christ, or scrambled for the candle drippings, parts of crucifixes and other objects used i n church rituals. They carried wooden crosses and rocks to the tops of sacred hills or through the streets of towns, to be like Christ not only in the sense of purifying themselves but also of concentrating power in objects or in themselves.

In an awit describing a pilgrim's passage through the ritual sites of Mount Banahaw, the desire to emulate Christ is a dominant theme, and yet w h e n the end of the pilgrim's trials is almost reached, he dreams of being able to disap- pear at will, fly through the air, ward off bullets and bladed weap- ons, a n d attract b e a u t i f u l w o m e n — a l l d e m o n s t r a t i o n s of anting-anting power. T h e fact that local elite and townspeople under the s w a y of the codifying processes of the church engaged in approved modes of cleans- ing their souls, reenacting the pasydn and so forth, should not prevent us from interpreting holy week as a powerful time to w h i c h the masses synchronized their loob.

T h is w a s the time w h e n hermits, vagabonds, bandits, prophets, a n d renegade principales, w h o with their followers often "d i s t u r b e d " the pe- ripheries and occasionally threatened the centers, reaffirmed the sources of their prestige: not wealth or educational attain- ment, certainly not rank in the colonial establishment, but the ability to tap the potencies released by the suffering, death, a n d resurrection of Christ.

A s a young boy, he w a s undoubt- edly precocious and from this fact biographers have traced a con- tinuous line to his ilustrado future. But i n the w o r l d of C a l a m b a where he grew up, his boyhood activities were later interpreted as signs of power. Because he was a frail child, Ri z a l supplemented his intellectual feats with a program of physical exercise a n d body- building that included s w i m m i n g , horseback r i d i n g , a n d l o n g hikes up Mount Makiling. I n a w a y this w a s to be expected of a well-bred youth.

Kalaw notes that "the tests of bravery that a m a n is put through since childhood teaches h i m endurance to p a i n , se- renity i n danger and, above all, the spirit of bravery. There is, for example, the story of Rizal's healing p o w - ers at the age of twelve. When a sickly farmer, seeing R i z a l eyeing his ripe cashew fruits, gladly offered them to the boy, the latter turned around in surprise "and when the sick farmer s a w his face and kindly features, he felt restored to health.

There is also the story of the boy R i z a l dared at a party by a bully to demonstrate his magical p ow ers: Just then a flock of herons was flying over the town to the rice fields. A s they were nearing the house where the party was going on, Rizal went to the w i n d o w and kept looking at them.

H i s attitude attracted the attention of the w h o l e crowd. A s the birds were almost over the house, he pointed his finger at them and they all dropped one by one to the ground.

H e dropped to the floor like the birds on the ground. A lot of these accounts, of course, were told after his death, w h e n he had already been enshrined as a martyr a n d national hero.

These readings of his early life, more often than not lacking i n hard evidence, nevertheless point to the ability of that " l i f e " whose presence can never be recovered by thought to generate i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s f r o m b e l o w. T h i s t e x t u a l i z a t i o n of R i z a l problematizes his neat, but just as "constructed," biographies.

I n a society where K i n g Bernardo C a r p i o w a s no less real than the Spanish governor-general, stories of Rizal's prodigious boyhood activities, as retold again and again, could not but have resonated w i t h p o p u l a r k n o w l e d g e of the y o u n g J e s u s or the y o u n g Bernardo, w h o both possessed unusual concentrations of power.

The " m y t h " of the young Rizal merely repeats the pasyon episode of the boy Jesus a m o n g the scribes a n d early sections of the Bernardo Carpio awit a bestseller then w h i c h describe the boy Bernardo's strength. Rizal, Christ, and Bernardo are, in a sense, merely proper names that mask thinking about power and identity.

In biographies of Rizal, careful attention is paid to the national hero's activities i n foreign countries from to a n d to D u r i n g these years he earned a degree i n ophthalmology, became recognized as well in the fields of ethnography a n d lin- guistics, wrote two influential novels a n d n u m e r o u s scholarly works, distinguished himself i n the Propaganda movement, a n d so forth. Rizal's absence, it seems to me, was the condition that made possible the final loosen- ing of his proper name from its anchorage in actual experience.

Once w e cease to preoccupy ourselves w ith a certain "r e a l " R i z a l or a "r e a l " Christ, a "r e a l " K i n g Bernardo then w e can interrogate the past about the other meanings of Rizal's travels abroad. To what ends of the earth d i d this search bring him? What powerful personages did he encounter to whom he could prove his worth?

Who, really, w a s Rizal? Upon his return from Europe in , Rizal himself s a w — a n d came to accept—the extent to which his life, his biography, w a s not fully under his control.

In the first place, there were the persistent rumors that he was a German spy, a Protestant, a mason, a n d a heretic. The friars were undoubtedly responsible for s o m e of 68 these in their attempt to identify him as a subversive a n d alienate him from the more timid flock. But the deliberate s o w i n g of r u - mors, it seems, only compounded the friars' problems.

For, i n a situation of intense speculation about this young m a n returned from abroad, any unusual attribute, whatever moral implications it had, was bound to be interpreted as a sign of power. A p a r t from the rumors which abounded, there were also the readings people made of his day-to-day activities.

A l w a y s fond of excursions into the countryside, Rizal and a Spaniard assigned to guard h i m once climbed to the top of Mount Makiling and hoisted a white cloth to signal their arrival to the Rizal household.

The cloth w a s seen b y others and interpreted as a German flag hoisted by R i z a l a n d a European on Makiling as a prelude to launching a rebellion. R i z a l 69 at the head of a liberating army? This image w o u l d be more pro- nounced in the s. Upon his first return in , it w a s Rizal's n e w l y a c q u i r e d knowledge, his being ilustrado, that was interpreted i n a d r a s t i - cally unforeseen manner.

For security reasons, R i z a l w a s kept at home by his family and his movements curtailed. D e c i d i n g to make the best of the situation, he set u p a surgery practice a n d performed a number of successful eye operations.

Since at that time ophthalmic surgery was practically u n k n o w n i n the country, the restoration of sight to the blind was recounted w i t h a m a z e m e n t as a miracle. Almost immediately rumors began to spread about the "Doctor Uliman" a corruption of "A l e m a n " w h o c o u l d c u r e not only blindness but all other afflictions as well.

This was simply a multivitamin preparation, since most ailments at that time were the result of malnourishment. But did it matter what, scientifically, the cure was as long as it came from him? Austin Coates, one of Rizal's more perceptive biographers, suggests that Rizal's miracu- lous curing powers were believed in, "just as charms worn round the waist, the tattooing of mystic symbols, and the power of spells were believed in, whether the friars liked it or not.

The ability of Christ and Rizal to cure the sick stems, of course, not from the "scientific" knowledge of medicine but from the condition of their loob which is equivalent to having true "k n o w l e d g e. The following stanzas from a Rizalist 72 song, which is found in several versions, illustrate this form of thinking: Is it not that many patriots in the world have gone forth in search of Christ's commands which no one has ever found but for Rizal who traveled throughout the world.

A n d Jose Rizal of the seventh group w h o m the Philippine nation reveres pored over all of the commands in holy doctrine and written laws. Notions of power, writing, and curing intersect i n a story, which is typical, told by one Isidro Antazo, a servant of Ri z a l w h o followed h i m from Calamba to his place of exile in D a p i t a n.

Whether or not the story is true or factual is irrelevant. A s a read- ing of Rizal, it is consistent with the body of popular myths that w e are presently examining. The story goes that on one occasion when Rizal had to leave his clinic to attend to a very sick man, he instructed his servant Isidro to attend to other patients who might come in. K n o w i n g neither medicine nor the dialect of Dapitan, Isidro protested, u p o n w h i c h Rizal got a notebook and wrote things in it, w h i c h the servant could not even read.

This would take care of any problems, accord- ing to Rizal. True enough, when some patients came in a n d "con- sulted" Isidro, he turned to the notebook: It moved slightly, then the writings of Dr. Rizal on it be- came his image, and it spoke to h i m clearly.

The patients submitted themselves obediently for treatment, though they, too, were surprised almost to the brink of fear, but their faith in the voice and image of Dr. Rizal on the notebook held them steady. After all the p a - tients had been treated, the image and the voice became writings again.

The aim of the Propaganda movement in w h i c h R i z a l w a s involved was to expose the ills of the colony and foster nationalist sentiment through writing. I n the story of Isidro and the notebook, however, the distinction between author and work, writing and curing, collapses. Rizal's writing does not refer to some knowledge external to it. What Rizal knows cannot be "l e a r n e d " by Isidro because it is unintelligible a n d proper only to a person of Rizal's stature.

This knowledge is power itself and the writing on the notebook is, like the "Ego s u m " i n the pasyon and the inscriptions on anting-anting, an illustration of that power, equivalent to Rizal's presence and convertible to image and s o u n d.

It might be argued that since Isidro could not read, 76 the voice and image into which writing was converted translated its content, which Isidro then followed in detail.

The story, how- ever, is silent about the treatment itself. What it seems to underline is the efficacy of Rizal's presence. The initial reaction of Isidro and the patients is one of fear, but this soon turns into "confidence" and "steadiness," or control of loob effected by the image's gaze and the sound of Rizal's voice.

The appearance i n their midst of an ilustrado replica of the aniteros and babaylanes at the fringes of the town centers went largely unnoticed by the Spanish authorities. What concerned them above all were the political consequences of Rizal's writings such as the subversive novel Noli Me Tangere and the well-balanced and documented report of January on the economic situation in the Dominican estate of Calamba.

Feeling themselves under at- tack, the friars demanded Rizal's arrest and imprisonment. Pre- vailed upon by his family and friends, Rizal left the country i n February Barely three weeks later, the gobernadorcillos of M a - nila presented the civil governor with a petition demanding the expulsion of the friars: the "Manifestation of " w h i c h "s h o w e d the extent of the discontent lying beneath the surface of Philippine life, w h i c h Rizal had touched and activated.

Through his writings during this period he attempted to i n - still in his compatriots pride in their precolonial past. H e examined the effects of Spanish domination and reflected on the possibility of armed revolution.

H e prodded his more sluggish countrymen to act, helped organize the movement L a Solidaridad, and generally got involved in the myriad activities and squabbles typically en- gaged in by Asian nationalists in Europe. This period of R i z a l ' s life tends to belong to the history of the nationalist a w a k e n i n g a n d its reformist phase. The next phase armed struggle is initiated by Bonifacio in with the founding of the Katipunan. If w e , h o w - ever, cease for a moment to retrace Rizal's footsteps i n E u r o p e a n d look into the history of his absence from his homeland, w e become aware of another series of events in which Rizal is just as fully i m - plicated.

Rizal's departure from the scene at the height of his p r o m i - nence as a miracle curer intensified the popular textualization of his career. H i s absence, in a way, enlarged the space for the inter- play of hopes, speculations, patterned expectations a n d the bits and pieces of news that filtered into the colony. T h e exact process by which this occurred is perhaps beyond construction. We h a v e evidence only of the striking outcome. I n , a townmate wrote excitedly to Rizal: "Alas, Jose!

A l l the people here ask about y o u r return. It seems that they consider y o u the second Jesus w h o w i l l liberate them from misery! H e indeed, won great respect in German scholarly circles. H e w o u l d , if he could, have liberated Calamba from Spain, redistributed friar landholdings and set up a model republic.

Be- neath these "historical" events, however, lies the structure of myth: Rizal is the Son who goes to the Father and will return with an army of angels; he is the lost King Bernardo who will descend from Mount Tapusi with a liberating army; he is all of those patri- ots from Apolinario de la C r u z to Artemio Ricarte, who went to heaven or foreign lands and would return with supernatural aid, flying machines, and vanquishing armies.

In June , Rizal was back in Manila, where he was quickly recognized in the streets and followed by a large crowd of excited, questioning people half-running to keep up with him. During the week of comparative freedom before his arrest, he traveled by rail- w a y through the provinces of Bulacan, Pampanga, and Tarlac, dis- covering along the way the extent to which his name had fired the popular imagination. Not only were his ideas discussed, but anec- dotes of his bravery and accomplishment were told as well.

O n one occasion, a particularly excitable old man praised Rizal so much that the latter felt obliged to reveal himself, if only to put a stop to it. Everywhere, too, he found his tricks of sleight-of-hand re- called, people averring that he had supernatural powers. The national narrative tells us that in Rizal founded the L a Liga Filipina, a patriotic orga- nization advocating national unity, mutual help, education, eco- nomic development, and reforms in the colonial order.

The story goes that among those present during the launching of the Liga w a s Bonifacio, a warehouseman and great admirer of Rizal who nevertheless found the pace of the Liga too slow. When, less than three w e e k s after his return, Rizal w a s deported to Da p i t a n , Bonifacio began to reorganize segments of the Liga into the revolu- tionary Katipunan. Efforts by Katipunan agents to harness the exile's support failed.

The year thus appears to mark the end of Rizal's effective involvement in the anticolonial struggle. Rizal's public execution on 30 December figures i n h i s t o r y textbooks as a solemn pause in the saga of Bonifacio a n d his s u c - cessor, Aguinaldo.

This solemn pause, however, is ultimately w h a t confounds historians' efforts to rank the personalities a n d events of the revolution. If, ask Agoncillo and Guerrero, Bonifacio w e r e the ''legitimate Father of the Revolution," without w h o m "i t is ex- tremely doubtful whether the Philippine revolution w o u l d h a v e become a reality at a time w h e n everybody seemed i n d e s p a i r without doing anything about it," w h y is he o v e r s h a d o w e d b y Rizal as the national hero?

Together with Renato C o n s t a n t i n o , 81 another influential textbook author, they pose the disturbin g q u e s - tion: W h y is our national hero not the leader of our r e v o l u t i o n? Such arguments, however, are derived from a certain r e a d i n g of the complex "text" which Rizal was and still is.

A m o n g other things, they overlook the fact that Rizal w a s already a n a t i o n a l hero before the U. The problem of Rizal's status as national hero follows f r o m the overarching narrative of modernity in which nineteenth-century Philippine history has been situated. Notions of evolution a n d r a - tionality from the nineteenth century itself are responsible for ex- cluding from this history the "repetitious" and " m y t h i c a l " aspects of reality. The pervading discourse of subjectivity has led to a pre- occupation with Rizal's intentions, the authentic voice b e h i n d h i s texts.

T h e commonsense notions of the historical enterprise must be held i n abeyance; "familiar" categories of meaning must be questioned; and the submerged data must be allowed to complicate the field of investigation. The year may constitute a momentous break i n one reading of events, but be meaningless in another.

It may be a mistake to read "revolution" only in Bonifacio's fiery demeanor and raised bolo, and to read "reaction" or "reform" i n the calm, almost effeminate gaze of Rizal, just as it is a mistake to regard the suffering Christ as the emblem of weakness and submission. A n d as w e shall see, Rizal's execution, far from serving as a solemn pause in the forward march of events, ought to be treated as one of the more complex texts of the revolution.

It w a s not the more common intellectual's romanticizing of death, but a true pre- sentiment, I think, that made him dwell on the subject. I n a rare revelation of his inner self, Rizal wrote to fellow propagandist Marcelo del Pilar in I n m y boyhood it was m y strong belief that I w o u l d not reach the age of thirty, and I do not know w h y I used to think in that way. For two months now almost every night I dream of nothing but of friends and relatives w h o are dead.

I even dreamed once that I was descending a path leading into the depths of the earth; and there I met a multitude of persons seated and dressed i n white, w i t h white faces, quiet, and encircled in white light. There I s a w two members of m y family, one now already dead and the other still living.

In the southern Tagalog re- gion, at least, there are innumerable stories of brilliantly i l l u m i - nated caverns beneath the earth, particularly i n the b o w e l s of sacred mountains, where legendary kings and ancestors d w e l l. The examples of Bernardo Carpio's cave and the tomb of Jesus Christ immediately come to mind. After his execution, Rizal h i m - self would be regarded by the peasants of Laguna as the lord of a kind of paradise in the heart of Mount Makiling, a place "as bright as daylight" without any apparent source of illumination.

D e - 85 spite his ilustrado status "I do not believe in such things," he says Rizal in his unconscious moments is the body through w h i c h so- cial conceptions of death reveal themselves or speak. D y i n g is not an extinction of self but a passage into a state of pure, brilliant po- tency i.

It is a passage to the depths of the earth, to the center of the world, where potency is supremely concentrated. This dream of is important because 86 it serves as a counterpoint to Rizal's intention that his mode of death should follow Christ's example. When Rizal was thrown into Fort Santiago prison in November , one of the first things he did was to design and send to his family a little sketch of "The Agony in the Garden," beneath w h i c h he wrote, "This is but the first station.

Rizal's be- havior was not unusual for someone who deeply admired Christ while condemning the obscurantism of the church. But more signifi- cant, I think, than his feelings about his impending death is the fact that by sending to his family the biblically inspired sketch and note, which would later come to the attention of more and more people, Rizal was shedding signs of an impending reenactment of the pasyon.

The prosecutor called Rizal "the soul of this rebellion," who "doubtless. Furthermore, during the trial, Spanish correspondents noted something about Rizal, the signifi- cance of which would not have escaped the audience. Rizal remains with his hands crossed, body motionless, and outwardly showing great seren- ity. Rizal could only plead that he had had nothing to do with po- litical affairs since July , and that he was opposed to the Katipunan armed conspiracy. Naturally, "the words of Rizal pro- duced no effect at all.

O n the way, several people heard him say: "We are walking the w a y to Calvary. Now Christ's passion is better understood. M i n e is very little. He suffered a great deal more. H e was nailed to a C r o s s ; the bullets will nail me to the cross formed by the bones on m y back. How one suffers. A Spanish doctor, wondering at his calmness, took his pulse and found it per- fectly normal.

Despite his objections, Rizal had his back to the fir- ing squad, but he was prepared with his special stance a n d s u d d e n twist around in death, to fall face upwards. I n this context, it is not surprising that Rizal's p o e m Mi Ultimo Adios My Last Farewell , written on the eve of his death and translated into Tagalog by Bonifacio and others, rivals if not exceeds his novels in popular esteem.

Not only is it good poetry, 90 but it contributes as well to the scenario of his death by repeating the extended Paalam Farewell scene in the pasyon. R i z a l bids a n emotional farewell to his parents, relatives, beloved, a n d i n par- ticular, his Motherland Filipinas, on the eve of the sacrifice of his life for the redemption of this motherland. It was now time for the people as a whole, regardless of regional, linguistic, and racial barriers to participate in a "na- tional" pasyon by joining the revolution.

I n a pamphlet published on the second anniversary of his death in De- cember , with the words Mahalagang Kasulatan lit. VERBONG nagngalang Jose Rizal, na inihulog nang langit sa lupang Filipinas, na gugulin ang boong buhay mula sa pagkabata, sa pagsusumikap na kumalat sa nilapadlapad nitong Sangkapuloan ang wagas na pagtanggol ng katowiran. I n the t o w n of Batangas, the whole populace is described as having gathered, tearfully wailing, before a portrait of Ri z a l " w h i c h m a d e them recall the desert of sorrows traversed by the C h r i s t of our p u e b l o.

The rituals of holy week, as we discussed earlier, were, after all, the scene of various practices connected with the accumulation and control of spiritual power. There is that aspect of Christ in the pasyon that relates more to the halus satria of Javanese mythology than to S p a n i s h models.

The usually perceptive Coates seems to be m i s s i n g some- thing when he asserts that "constructing from the past, G a n d h i was obliged to look back; Rizal, constructing from the present, looked solely forward. W h e n he fell lifeless at Bagumbayan, countless of his countrymen "broke th ro u g h the square, to make sure, said the Spanish correspondent, that the mythical, the godlike Rizal was really dead, or, according to others, to snatch away a relic and keepsake and dip their handkerchiefs i n a hero's blood.

It was widely believed that he had arisen or w o u l d soon arise from his grave; that he had gone to Bernardo C a r p i o ' s cave; that he had gone to Mount Banahaw to join another martyr, Fr. Jose Burgos; that his spirit could be reached for cures and a d v i c e. We 97 wonder whether the popularity of his farewell poem is not d u e to the repeated suggestion in stanzas 12 to 23 that he w i l l remain a disembodied presence in the natural w o r l d , recognizable o n l y through his lamenting voice.

Death in battle, for instance, takes on a m e a n i n g be- yond that of personal loyalty to leaders or plain fanaticism. V a r i - ous types of documents speak of the revolution as the p a s y o n of Inang Bayan mother country in which all of her sons participate; Ri z a l was the model of this behavior. Like other relics of the war, they were sediments of a power-full time.

Rizal was the prime source of this power. In fact, for a time at least, the problem of access to the kapangyarihan which the friars with- held, was solved. In early Southeast Asia, the landscape was highly decentered, with many small states and regional identities existing in isolation and in endemic conflict among themselves. The problem for the chiefs was how to extend social ties and create more complex iden- tities. The bilateral kinship system in most Southeast Asian societ- ies made them indifferent towards lineage descent to forebears; ancestor status had to be earned.

The unification of large segments of the landscape became possible, according to O. Wolters, w h e n Hinduized men of prowess made a correspondence between their superior spiritual property and atman by participating in the god Shiva's sakti.

Those who partook of the divinity were thus paid homage. A hierarchical system came to be developed, with the king at the apex or center, the talisman of the state embodying the qualities of prowess and inner control, situated above personal re- lations, which are too fragile to be the sole basis of state formation.

In the Philippines, as we saw earlier, not only did the pre-Span- ish chiefs who distinguished themselves attribute their prowess to divine forces and take pains to select burial sites that would be- come centers of ancestor worship, but many rebel leaders also at- tributed their strength to Christ, the Virgin Mary, or certain saints, and apparently were revered for decades after their deaths. The colonial order and its codifying processes, however, prevented the development of a sociopolitical hierarchy similar to those in the Indianized states of Southeast Asia.

In the complex text that Rizal is, this question of the "center" seems to be inscribed. O n one h a n d , R i z a l is definitely a product of the colonial order w h o , through modern education, heralded the birth of modern South- east Asian nationalism. In a country without a tradition of hierarchy, R i z a l became the necessary center, the "ancestor" in the sense of being a source of kapangyarihan for leaders of peasant movements against both for- eign and local oppressors.

I n almost every report of "d i s t u r b a n c e s " during the first decade of American rule, there is mention of R i z a l as reincarnated in "fanatical" leaders, as the object of c o m m u n i c a - tion i n seances, as the object of worship in churches; i n general, as literally the "spirit" behind the unrest. I n the s, L a n t a y u g pro- claimed himself a reincarnation of Rizal and w o n a w i d e follow ing in the eastern Visayas and northern Mindanao.

Another influential peasant leader named Flor Intrencherado proclaimed h i m s e l f e m - peror of the Philippines, claiming that his powers w e r e d e r i v e d directly from Jose Rizal, as well as the martyr Fr. Jose Burgos a n d the Holy Ghost. Other peasant leaders w h o challenged the colonial order in the s and s claimed to be in communication w i t h R i z a l.

These leaders have, until recently at least, a l w a y s be- longed to the "dark underside" of the struggle for independence dominated by such ilustrado notables as Q u e z o n , R o x a s , a n d Osmefia.

Even their recognition today i n the w o r k s of s u c h writers as Sturtevant and Constantino fails to liberate them from the cat- egories "irrational," "fanatical," and "failure" to w h i c h ilustrado and colonial writing initially condemned them.

See Carlos Quirino, historical introduction,zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZ Bonifacio Teodoro A. On the significance of the Katipunan " p i l g r i m a g e " to the cave, see fleto, Pasydn, For a discussion of Tagalog traditions regarding parental u p - bringing and control of loob, see Teodoro M. The translations of Bonifacio's writings used here are based on Agoncillo's.

Wyatt and A. Woodside, eds. John Phelan, The Hispanization of the Philippines Phelan p. I n the textbook survey, A History of the Filipino People, published i n , Teodoro Agoncillo and Oscar Alfonso discounted Philippine his- tory prior to as " i n the main, a lost history.

I n the two most widely used textbooks, History of the Filipino People by Teodoro Agoncillo and Milagros Guerrero and The Philippines: A Past Revisited by Renato Constantino , roughly a third of the chapters is about the nationalist awakening and the suppressed revolu- tions. Jose P. Rizal, "Filipinas dentro de cien afios" , Rizal's historical studies appeared as annotations to a seven- teenth-century work by Antonio de Morga, which was republished i n see John Schumacher, S.

The Philippines through the Cen- 6. This textbook has been used in some Catholic universities. See Constantino, Past Revisited, part 1. The ilustrados argued that the friars failed to teach true Catholi- cism. The revolutionists against Spain, and eventually historians them- selves, readily adopted this view see Teodoro Agoncillo, The Revolt of the Masses [], 49; Agoncillo and Guerrero, History, A more thor- ough appraisal is made by Onofre Corpus, The Philippines , , but the gap between his treatment of "Christianity and Filipino society" and "resistance and nationalism" is fairly obvious.

Constantino Past Revisited, and passim , speaks of "mystic mumbo-jumbo," ob- scuring the real, social goals of peasant rebels. David R. Nicanor Tiongson's well-researched work on the passion play in Malolos, Sinakulo , is marred by this narrow, evolutionist view of religion.

What he sees appear to him as survivals of a superstitious and irrational age. I n a recent and very thorough study of an eighteenth-century re- bellion, D a v i d Routledge nevertheless ends up arguing that it was not millenarist but protonationalist Diego Silang, In an earlier, pio- neering study, David Sweet avoided linking an s rebellion to the de- velopment of nationalism, but used Hobsbawm's approach in classifying i t " A Proto-political Peasant Movement i n the Spanish Philippines [], Sturtevant's book, Popular Uprisings, ranks rebellions on a scale leading to modern, secular, revolutionary movements.

Says Agoncillo, "The Philippine Republic which [Aguinaldo] shaped and led gave the Philippines its most glorious and significant epoch" " A g u i n a l d o i n H i s t o r y " [], Carlos Quirino sees the Katipunan as an initial stage which had to be "outgrown" The Trial of Andres Bonifacio [], "historical introduction," Aguinaldo's dis- dain of the allegedly "monarchist" tendencies of the Katipunan reflects the general attitude of republican leaders see Mga Gunita ng Himagsikan [], In a petition to On Apolinario de la Cruz, see Ileto, Pasyon, chapter 2.

Ileto, , See also Milagros C. Guerrero, "Luzon at War," chapter 4. Ileto, , chapter 6. Bienvenido Lumbera, Tagalog Poetry, A thorough discussion of these themes is found in Eugenio "Aioit and Corrido" Michel Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge , Annotations to Morga's Sucesos, in Schumacher, Historia Famosa ni Bernardo Carpio, authorship disputed, earliest available edition dated See first essay of this volume.

Dean Fansler, "Metrical Romances in the Philippines" , I n a survey of "representative college students," replied that "they had either read i n their dialects, or had been told in their dialects, or had seen acted i n their town fiestas, the life of Bernardo del Carpio.

This is how Rizal viewed it in his novel El Filibusterismo , See first essay i n this volume. Summary and translation i n Eugenio, "Aunt and Corrido," M y use of the term "power" follows that of Benedict R. Power to the Javanese is "something concrete, homogeneous, con- stant i n total quantity, and without inherent moral implications as such" p.

When used i n the Javanese sense, Anderson capitalizes the word "Power" to distinguish it from its European or Western meanings. I use the w o r d interchangeably with "potency," hence it is not capitalized. For these reflections on the well-known themes of the center, the realm and power, I am indebted to Shelly Errington and her work on the Buginese kingdom of Luwu.

Ileto, Pasyon, Ileto, Pasyon, ,, , ; Love, "Samahan" , 23, and passim. I am grateful to Prospero Covar and several friends from Tanauan, Batangas, for their enlightening remarks on anting-anting. Eugenio "Awit and Corrido" briefly mentions a similar story, but w i t h o u t Rizal's name in it The literature on Southeast Asian ideas of kingship is too exten- sive to be enumerated here.

The idea of a " l i v i n g amulet," or "talisman of the state" I owe to Shelly Errington. C i t e d by Rizal i n his edition of Morga, Sucesos trans, by E. Francisco Colin, S. Colin's comment must be seen i n the light of efforts by the myriad of datus and chiefs to base their claims of superiority over others on some- thing more conclusive and permanent than physical prowess or wealth.

See Esperanza B. Robert Reed, "Hispanic Urbanism in the Philippines" , The importance during the resettlement of miraculous curings and missionary demonstrations of the superiority of their "magic" over that of the traditional curers and sorcerers is well known. Missionaries properly attributed such miracles to divine intervention, but there is ev- ery reason to suspect that the natives regarded the priests themselves as embodiments of potency.

For a survey of the early chronicles replete with miracle stories, see John Schumacher, S. The stories t o l d about Fr. Pio de Zuzuarregui, Augustinian parish priest of Santa Cruz, Manila, from to , are revealing: he had curing pow- ers, was worshipped as a "second Christ come to the Philippines," could appear at different places at the same time, had "powers for penetrating one's innermost thoughts," etc.

According to anthropologist Fernando Zialcita, parish priests i n the Ilocos are still regarded by many as having special powers an-ting- since, among other things, only they can translate the Latin script inzyxwvutsrqponmlkjihg anting personal communication.

See also Love, "Samahan," , See the discussion on class distinctions and religious behavior in Reed, "Hispanic Urbanism," Rizal's novels are another source for principalia-friar relationships. The quotation is from Evergisto Bazaco, O. In the collection Historical Data Papers PNL , an- ting-anting stories revolve around filibusters against Spain, bandit chiefs, and veterans of the revolution.

Statement of Juan Delgado, S. Also, Horacio de la Costa, S. On the distinction between these two orders of knowledge see Ileto, Pasyon, , , Certain ilustrados themselves wrote about this. See, for example, T. The missionaries, says this ilustrado, "condemned the old Pagan superstitions but they taught new superstitions more powerful than the original" p.

The Latin inscriptions i n the bible, missal, and other church texts were potential means of access to kapangyarihan, but, paraphrasing Love's informants, "the secret knowledge was kept from Filipinos for hundreds of years by the Spanish friars, and even t o d a y " Love, "Samahan," Membership i n samahan comes largely f r o m the taga-linang people from the field, peasants , but Love stresses that the Catholic church is the "setting within which and to a certain extent against which the taga-linang of Majayjay perform their religious duties" p.

A Spanish priest's view of sociocultural gradations from the town center at the base toward the slopes of Mount Isarog in Kabikolan is quoted i n Norman Owen, "The Principalia in Philippine History" , n. Alfred W. Hart, "Buhawi of the Bisayas" , Mariano Pilapil and first published i n Quotations i n this essay are from the edition. Ileto, Pasydn, I n Teodoro Agoncillo, ed. Remontado comes from the Spanish word meaning "to mount again" or "to take to the woods" see lleto, Pasyon, Vagamundos lit.

Tirong is the Batangas Tagalog ver- sion of w a n d e r i n g knights-in-armor, ready to face death see Kalaw, Cinco Reglas, This is clear f r o m the multiethnic membership of the Katipunan. Nationalist transcribers of Bonifacio's writings have understandably often substi- tuted " P i l i p i n o " for Bonifacio's "Tagalog. Agoncillo, Revolt, 50; Ileto, Pasydn, Isabelo de los Reyes, "The Katipunan" , I t is possible to view Philippine movements entirely within the limits set by N o r m a n Cohn i n The Pursuit of the Millenium See Ileto, Pasydn, For the beginnings of a "metalinguistic analysis" of loob, see Leonardo Mercado, S.

Anderson, "Idea of Power," This is true, at least, for Batangas, Laguna, and Quezon provinces where practically all of my meager fieldwork was done. Love states that the most common Latin word i n books of curing, oraciones, and similar texts is egosum.

Pardo de Tavera, however, fails to mention egosum in his list of Latin phrases that constitute "a real array of magic invocations for avoiding evil, ridding of danger, securing more good, and attaining some grace" Ignorantism, The author, citing Isabelo de los Reyes, Rizal, thanks to his mother's influence, was steeped i n such literature and drama i n his boyhood.

Austin Coates, Rizal , Coates, A slightly different version is found in Leon Ma. Guerrero, The First Filipino , Coates, Rizal, For a discussion of loob and knowledge, see Ileto, Pasyon, , , Parallels abound i n the lives of other "powerful" men.

Apolinario de la Cruz returned to Lucban with new knowledge after some time in Manila. With this he attracted many of the "common tao" to his cofradia i n the s.

Undertaking a pilgrimage to a holy mountain or other sa- cred site was tantamount to "travelling abroad," the object being to emu- late Christ or some awit hero such as Bernardo Carpio , and also to gain some "secret knowledge" from old seers and maestros one encountered.

See also Love, "Samahan," Another ver- sion of the poem is given on p. Rizal," i n Santos, Rizal Miracle Tales, For stories of the appearance, disappearance, and survival i n fires of the writings of Bonifacio and Jacinto, see Nepe pseud. Analogies w i t h anting-anting stories, such as the following, are obvious: " A certain Cabesang Juan Vicente used a triangular book which he used to take care of and light every Holy Thursday and Good Friday.

By doing so, this book w o u l d have letters on the printless pages and that was just for a short time. The spell about any desired thing was taken from this book w i t h reference to an old text, the 'Libro Primera T o m o.

Many an old man possessed such talisman, inherited from father to son, and so o n " Historical Data Papers, Paete, Laguna province. Rizal's Correspondence with Fellow Reformists , Ac- cording to Francis St.

Clair pseud. Jose Arcilla, S. This glimpse of the popular image of Rizal in central Luzon leads us to believe that the situation in southern Tagalog was even more intense. Miracle stories of the type that Santos collected must have already been forming by Agoncillo and Guerrero, History, C o n s t a n t i n o , "Veneration Without Understanding" , For example, on 30 December , Rizal had a f r i g h t f u l nightmare, duly entered into his diary, about his death.

Thirteen years later, o n exactly the date of his dream, he was executed. Quoted i n Coates, Rizal, Santos, Rizal Miracle Tales, A m o n g the early Filipinos, death is expressed " i n the symbol of a long journey, usually over the waters, or by a descent into the bowels of the earth through a cave under a high mountain.

Quoted from the documents of the trial, in Horatio de la Costa, S. El Impartial, 27 December Carlos Da Silva and Jesus Ma. Cavana, C M. Bonifacio's translation is found i n Agoncillo, Writings and Trial, These PDF score are good for learning music theory as well.

Piano aficionados should brush up on the different types of music notes that are available to play on their instrument. Sheet music includes all of the music that a pianist needs to learn in order to learn how to play a song.

Sheet music consists of staffs lines and spaces , treble clef, and bar lines. Staffs are vertical lines with notes on them that show the pitch. Piano is a great instrument to learn to play. Not only does it provide a fun and productive hobby, but it also has the potential to lead to a successful career in music. Piano teachers will introduce students to this song when they are first learning how to play the piano. Many students have chosen to make a cool arrangement of this song for their recitals.

Kids will love it because the music is so familiar, yet the piano arrangement has extra flair and style. We provide most popular sheets at affordable prices. You will also find various tutorials and covers of the songs for faster and easier learning. Menu Search. New Digital Sheet Music Notes In this section you will find most recent printable sheet music out on the market and which can be printed or downloaded as PDF. Violin and Piano - Classical.

Latest from Our Editorial Team. Quick Fact About Us. Email: info freshsheetmusic. My account. My Account login my cart checkout. Social Media. Need help? Affiliate Program.